Operation Gordian Knot - Aftermath

Aftermath

Arriaga, whether disillusioned by "Gordian Knot" or restrained by Lisbon due to budgetary issues, shifted from extended conventional sweeps to small unit actions deploying black and white shock troops. By this time, half of the Portuguese troops on the field were black Africans from Mozambique. By 1972, the situation had deteriorated with the Portuguese forces operating out of traditional secluded strongholds in guerrilla dominated territory. The violence and brutality of guerrilla campaign actions against part of the native population of the coutryside were increasing. The Portuguese stepped up new defensive tactics, trying to make the natives not be afraid of Frelimo.

Although the Portuguese military success, the number of monthly casualties never reached zero. Guerrilla forces used to cross the border to perform terrorist actions against the military and the population. In an event still now completely understood, some elements of the Portuguese army massacred the inhabitants of the tribal village of Wiriyamu who had been classified as collaborators with the guerrillas by the PIDE/DGS. The incident itself was not brought to the attention of the rest of the world until nearly a year later, in July 1973, by a Dominican priest. It was at first denied, then contested, investigated and again denied by the portuguese authorities of the Estado Novo. Though full details details of the entire episode are still now known, a number of natives were slaughtered by a group of Portuguese soldiers during a planned operation (Operation Marosca) to attack an alleged guerrilla base. The PIDE/DGS agent who guided the soldiers told them explicitly that the orders were to "kill everyone", despite only civilians having been found on the village. This agent, Chico Kavachi, was later murdered before he could he could be interviewed in an investigation ordered by the portuguese government after the massacre became known in July 1973. Some historians speculate that the DGS wanted to deliberately create an embarrassment to the government, so as to get rid of Kaúlza de Arriaga, whom they considered an incompetent general. Later counter-claims, probably at the behest of the portuguese government, have been made in a report of Archbishop of Dar es Salaam Laureaen Rugambwa that the killings were carried out by FRELIMO combatants, not Portuguese forces. In addition, others claimed that the alleged massacres by Portuguese military forces were fabricated to tar the reputation of the Portuguese state abroad. But the exposure of Wiriyamu brought with it the exposure of numerous other incidents on a smaller scale and increased worldwide (particularly third-world) condemnation of Portugal. During 1973 and early 1974, the situation continued to worsen for the guerrillas. However, recovered Frelimo forces began advancing southward from Tanzania. The civilian authorities in Lisbon, embarrassed by the alleged atrocities exposed in July, 1973, had lost a great amount of confidence in military solutions and were encouraging the expansion of operations by PIDE. PIDE's paramilitary endeavors were viewed as excessively brutal and counterproductive by the leaders of the military, and disagreement on the proper role of the secret police in combating the insurgency widened the rift between the central government and the military leadership.

When, through a military coup, the Movimento das Forças Armadas (MFA) seized control of the government in Lisbon on April 25, 1974, an event known as the Carnation Revolution, the Portuguese position in Mozambique all but collapsed.

General António de Spínola, head of the new government and former commander of counter independency forces in other Portuguese territory in Africa, Portuguese Guinea, maneuvered to maintain some control over the destiny of Mozambique by calling for a cease-fire and Portuguese sponsored elections; but Frelimo, sensing victory, would not comply.

Frelimo announced the opening of a new front in Zambezia and poured guerrillas into the middle regions of the country. The Spinola government countered by ordering northern outposts abandoned and the concentration of troops in the southern regions, by handing out arms to rural settlers, and by ordering an increase in bombing attacks on guerrilla controlled territories. These measures were intended to support the Portuguese position at the negotiating table. The Portuguese troops fighting in Mozambique realized that the coup in Lisbon, the change of regime and the opening of negotiations with Frelimo were a prelude to withdrawal. Instead of engaging the guerrillas, many refused to continue risking their lives. By mid-summer an undeclared truce prevailed since the bulk of the Portuguese army would not leave their barracks; and on September 8, 1974, an accord was signed formalizing the cease-fire. The agreement called for a transitional government with full independence for Mozambique to be granted on June 25, 1975 - the thirteenth anniversary of Frelimo. The Portuguese Colonial War had ended, but the newly-independent territories of Angola and Mozambique would enter a period of chaos and devastating civil wars (Angolan Civil War and Mozambican Civil War) which lasted several decades and claimed millions of lives and refugees.