East African Community - Political Dimensions

Political Dimensions

It is argued that key drivers for Kenya, Tanzania and Uganda are that Kenya wishes to export surplus capital, Uganda seeks an outlet for its surplus labour and Tanzania wants to realise a Pan-African vision. However, it is argued the commonalities go far deeper. Many of the national elites old enough to remember the former Community often share memories and a sharp sense of loss at its eventual dissolution. More cynically, others argue this historical ambition provides the potential for politicians to present themselves as statesmen of a higher order, as representatives of a greater regional interest. Furthermore, EAC institutions bring significant new powers to dispose and depose to those who serve in them.

Some question the extent to which the visions of a political union are shared outside the elite and the relatively elderly, further arguing the youthful mass of the population is not well informed about the process in any of the countries, while others point to an enhanced sense of East African identity developing from modern communications. Commitment to the formal EAC idea is relatively narrow, in both social and generational terms, and thus many question the timetable drawn up for the project. Fast-tracking political union was first discussed in 2004 and enjoyed a consensus on the subject among the three presidents of Kenya, Tanzania and Uganda. Thus, a high-level committee headed by Amos Wako of Kenya was commissioned to investigate the possibility of speeding up the process of integration so as to achieve political federation sooner than previously visualised. Yet there are concerns rapid changes would allow popular reactionary politics against the project. There is an argument however, that there are high costs that would be required at the beginning and that fast-tracking the project would allow the benefits to be seen earlier.

There remain significant political differences between the states. Museveni's success in obtaining his third-term amendment raised doubts in the other countries. The single-party dominance in the Tanzanian and Ugandan parliaments is unattractive to Kenyans, while Kenya's ethnic-politics is not apparent in Tanzania. Rwanda has a distinctive political culture with a political elite committed to building a developmental state, partly in order to safeguard the Tutsi group against a return to ethnic violence.

Other problems involve states being reluctant to relinquish involvement in other regional groups, e.g. Tanzania's withdrawal from COMESA but staying within the SADC bloc for the Economic Partnership Agreement negotiations with the European Union. Many Tanzanians are also concerned, because creating a common market means removing obstacles to the free movement of both labour and capital. Free movement of labour may be perceived as highly desirable in Uganda and Kenya, and have important developmental benefits in Tanzania, however in Tanzania there is widespread resistance to the idea of ceding land rights to foreigners, including citizens of Kenya and Uganda.

While generally the member nations are largely in favor of the East African Federation, informal polls indicate that most Tanzanians (80% of its population) have an unfavorable view. Tanzania has more land than all the other EAC nations combined, and some Tanzanians fear landgrabs by the current residents of the other EAC member nations. Land scarcity is a recurring issue in East Africa, particularly in Kenya, where clashes on the Kenyan side of Mount Elgon in 2007 left more than 150 dead and forced at least 60,000 away from their homes.