Costa Rican Civil War - Figueres and United States Policy

Figueres and United States Policy

Arévalo's help proved to be indispensable. As usual, however, the determining force was United States policy. The creators of that policy held little love for Figueres, but they were determined to destroy the ‘’Vanguardia Popular’’. Perhaps the Communist party had only seven thousand members, Ambassador Davis reported home, but it should hold the balance of political power in Congress and also constituted “some 70 percent of the police and army.” Writing within hours after the Communist overthrow of the Czechoslovak government (an event that severely shook Washington and other Western capitals), Davis warned that Costa Rica's condition was “in many respects similar to that prevailing in Eastern Europe.” When the State Department learned on 17 April 1948 that small Communist groups threatened to take over the capital of San José, US troops were placed on alert in the Canal Zone. Their mission was to move quickly into Costa Rica and stop the revolution before the Vanguardia Popular consolidated its power. It was a false alarm, but it indicated that regardless of any Good Neighbor policy sentiments, the possibility of unilateral U.S. intervention was no mere abstraction. 2

Throughout the conflict, Figueres received a steady supply of arms from Arévalo, while Picado’s forces were unable to exploit Somoza’s desire to help. The United States had ensured Somoza’s political impotence. Desperately wanting Nicaraguan help, Picado pleaded with Ambassador Davis to allow what was, after all, the recognized Costa Rican government to obtain help from Nicaragua so it could remain in power. Davis blandly “explained our well known policy of non-intervention” and then referred to the obligations of American nations non-intervene.” Picado bitterly observed that non-intervention was a fiction, Figueres had received “tons” of supplies from Arévalo, and rumors circulated of aid even from the Panamanian government. Davis ignored the charges. Picado then threatened to take the matter to the United Nations. “The United Nations machinery was cumbersome,” the State Department suavely but directly reminded the Costa Rican leader, and “immediate action on the part of the Council could probably not be expected.”2