Historicity
The historicity of Winkelried and his deed has been taken for granted in 19th-century historiography, but in the 20th century it was commonly deconstructed as pure legend. Since the late 20th century, scholarship is again inclined to consider its historicity as plausible, even though no positive proof can be given to substantiate it.
The earliest record of the deed is in the Zürcher Chronik, a manuscript compiled in the 1480s based on older sources. The hero in this account is unnamed, identified just as ein getrüwer man under den Eidgenozen (a faithful man among the Eidgenossen ("confederates")). In the chronicle of Diebold Schilling of Berne (c. 1480), in the picture of the battle of Sempach there is a warrior pierced with spears falling to the ground, which may possibly be meant to be Winkelried. In the chronicle of Diebold Schilling of Lucerne (1511), though in the text no allusion is made to any such incident, there is a similar picture of a man who has accomplished Winkelried's feat, though he is dressed in the colours of Lucerne.
The name of Winkelried first appears in the 16th century. The hero is still nameless in De Helvetiae origine by Rudolph Gwalther (1538), but Aegidius Tschudi (1536) has "a man of Unterwalden, of the Winkelried family," this being expanded in the final recension of the chronicle (1564) into "a man of Unterwalden, Arnold von Winckelried by name, a brave knight,". He is entered (in the same book, on the authority of the "Anniversary Book" of Stans, now lost) on the list of those who fell at Sempach at the head of the Nidwalden (or Stans) men as "Herr Arnold von Winckelriet, Ritter," this being in the first draft "Arnold Winckelriet."
Some recensions of the Sempacherlied, which originally dates to about the time of the Burgundian Wars in the 1470s, do mention Winkelried, but these sections are mostly considered additions from the early 16th century, as in the additions by H. Berlinger of Basel to Etterlin's chronicle (made between 1531 and 1545), or the version in Werner Steiner's chronicle (1532). Also from the 16th century is evidence from lists of those who fell at Sempach; the "Anniversary Book" of Emmetten in Unterwalden (drawn up in 1560) has "der Winkelriedt" at the head of the Nidwalden men. A book by Horolanus, a pastor at Lucerne (about 1563), has "Erni Winckelried" some way down the list of Unterwalden men.
It thus appears that the legend may have originated by the 1430s, or at the latest the 1470s, that is within 50 or at the most 90 years of the battle, but the name of "Winkelried" was not associated with the hero before the 1530s or perhaps the 1520s, i.e. the time of the Swiss Reformation, more than 130 years after the battle.
The history of the Winkelried family of Stans has been minutely worked out from the original documents by Hermann von Liebenau in 1854. Liebenau was the first to draw attention to one Erni Winkelried who signed as a witness on a document dated 1 May 1367. This is the only candidate on record for a possible identification of Winkelried with a historical character. Liebenau supposes that because this Erni signed as the last of five witnessses, after one Hans Winkelried, he was presumably still a young man at this time, which would make him of mature age at the date of the battle. He further reasons that the fact that this Erni is absent from record during the 1370s, while Hans is repeatedly seen as a witness, might indicate that during this time the young Erni was abroad in foreign service.
The same name Erni Winkelried however resurfaces on a document dated 29 September 1389, after the battle. Liebenauer again notes how the Erni Winkelried of 1389 signs as the last of the three in his party, which again indicates that he was the youngest among them. Furthermore, an Arnold Winkelried is again attested as landamman of Unterwalden in 1417, it is clear that there were at least two people with this name, perhaps father and eldest son. The older Erni would then have been born around 1350, and the younger around 1370.
As for the plausibility of Winkelried's deed, the single-handed breaking of a line of pikes to open a breach, which is then exploited to turn the course of the battle, a parallel is adduced by Liebenau is that of one Johann Stühlinger, a ministerialis in the service of Regensburg, who in a 1332 battle against Berne and Solothurn broke through the ranks of the enemy with his warhorse, creating just such an opening, which was exploited to the cost of 400 men on the Bernese side. The pikes (spiesse) of the Austrian knights in historical paintings are commonly depicted as the long pole weapons of the 15th-century pike square, but this is an anachronism. The pikes of the late 14th century would still have been considerably shorter. As according to the testimony of the Sempacherlied, the Austrian nobility insisted to fight against the underestimated Swiss in the front rank, it would have been sufficient to break into just the van of the Austrian army to kill Leopold and other leaders of the army, which would have ended the battle immediately.
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