Amitai Etzioni - Published Works

Published Works

• Security first: for a muscular, moral foreign policy. Yale University Press. 2007. ISBN 978-0-300-10857-6. http://books.google.com/books?id=LijhctYIPQQC. Retrieved 3 July 2011.

1. Part I: Security First: For Us, Them, and the World
2. Part II: The Limits of Social Engineering
3. Part III: The True Fault Line: Warriors vs. Preachers
4. Part IV: The Importance of Moral Culture
5. Part V: Grounds for Intervention
6. Part VI: Security Requires a New Global Architecture

The book argues that the US should abandon the notion that it can democratize the Middle East, or, other nations. Instead, it argues the leitmotiv that should be the new guiding light for U.S. foreign policy is the Primacy of Life principle. Etzioni contends the Primacy of Life serves as a moral rationale for a Security First foreign policy that is both principled and realistic. Etzioni argues the core of this foreign policy agenda is the recognition that the most basic right of all people is to be free from deadly violence, maiming, and torture.

The book spells out the implications of a Security First foreign policy for conflicts with rogue states (especially North Korea and Iran), for dealing with failing states (especially Russia), for the "reconstruction" of newly-liberated states (such as Iraq and Afghanistan), and for assessing under what conditions armed humanitarian interventions are called for.

Instead of assuming that democratization will provide a political outlet for resolving conflicts of competing values and interests and thus for putting an end to major forms of destabilizing violence, Etzioni argues, a Security First foreign policy is centered on precisely the opposite assumption: democratization requires security first. Moreover, Etzioni argues, rather than assuming that democratizing rogue states will exorcise their aggressive inclinations, the U.S. and its allies should accept that democratic regimes that evolve gradually in traditionally non-democratic lands will look different from our version of democracy; and the U.S. should let regime change come, if it comes at all, from forces internal to these nations—provided these states cease to develop or amass nuclear arms, stop supporting terrorism, and do not commit genocide or ethnic cleansing.

The book contends that most people, including most Muslims, are illiberal Moderates. Etzioni describes these people as abhorring violence but not necessarily accepting liberal democracy or the American preferred list of individual rights. The book argues that insisting that if only supporters of liberal democracy qualify as American allies, the US will find less support. Alternatively, if the US recognizes that most people prefer peace and social order to violence, it should find most people of all civilizations are on America's side. Among those, the US would be wise to welcome religious believers of all stripes who renounce violence and extremism, rather than try to apply the separation of church and state overseas.

Finally, the book argues that not all security concerns can be attended to so the U.S. needs to set priorities. Etzioni contends that the priority now receiving the least attention must get the most: nuclear terrorism; shifting towards this stance requires a whole new form of global policing.

A major part of this book is dedicated to the role of religion in U.S. foreign policy (Especially Parts III and IV). A detailed examination of Christianity, Judaism, Hinduism, and Islam shows the main fault line does not run between belief systems but through each of them. It divides those texts and interpretations of texts that extol violence ("an eye for eye," "I bring not peace but a sword") from those that extol peace and seek to rely on persuasion rather than coercion. Islam, the book shows, is not different on this account from other major religions. Drawing on public opinion polls and other evidence the book finds that a majority of Muslims favors moderate, nonviolent interpretations of Islam. However, many of these moderates are devout and do not embrace Western liberal democracy or many of the rights enumerated in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. The author calls them "Illiberal Moderates." The book argues that if the West continues to reject these Illiberal Moderates on the ground that only supporters of democracy are safe allies, the West will be isolated. In contrast, if the West should form an alliance of all moderates, liberal and illiberal, it will effectively curb international and domestic violence, preparing the ground for advancing democracy and human rights by non-lethal means. Moderate religions have a role in providing a new moral culture for newly liberated nations, and the kind of educational systems most suited for this goal.

• From empire to community: a new approach to international relations. Macmillan. 2004. ISBN 978-1-4039-6535-6.

1. Part I: The Emerging Global Normative Synthesis
2. Part II: A New Safety Architecture
3. Part III: Beyond Global Safety

Overall, the book is an effort to assemble a communitarian theory of international relations and a communitarian approach to foreign policy. Etzioni argues that the new global architecture must be based not only on Western principles of rights and liberty, but also on Eastern notions of community and authority. Etzioni further argues that rising transnational problems can no longer be handled by nations and require a new layer of global institution, including the budding global civil society as well as global political institutions.

• How patriotic is the Patriot Act?: freedom versus security in the age of terrorism. Psychology Press. 2004. ISBN 978-0-415-95047-3.

The book argues that Americans should neither embrace nor reject the Patriot Act altogether. Instead Americans should realize they face two demands: protecting rights and the homeland. The challenge is to find the right mix of policies that benefits these sometimes contentious goals. The book examines various elements of the Patriot Act to show that some provisions are reasonable while others are not. The book also argues the question is not what measures are introduced, but how closely they are monitored.

The book is divided into six chapters:

1. How Liberty is Lost
2. An Overview of Security Measures
3. Privacy and Security in Electronic Communications
4. Public Health and the Threat of Bioterrorism
5. A Case for National ID Cards?
6. The Limits of Nation Building

• The monochrome society. Princeton University Press. 6 January 2003. ISBN 978-0-691-11457-6. http://books.google.com/books?id=0taUvb7EZusC. Retrieved 3 July 2011.

The book is divided into thirteen chapters:

1. The Monochrome Society
2. Is Shaming Shameful
3. The Post-Affluent Society
4. Can Virtual Communities Be Real? (with Oren Etzioni)
5. Suffer the Children
6. Holidays: The Neglected Seedbeds of Virtue
7. Salem without Witches
8. Social Norms: the Rubicon of Social Science
9. Why the Civil Society Is not Good Enough
10. Virtue and the State: A dialogue between a Communitarian and a Social Conservative (with Robert P. George)
11. Restoring the Moral Voice
12. Cross-Cultural Moral Judgments
13. Stakeholders versus Shareholders

• The limits of privacy. Basic Books. 5 April 2000. ISBN 978-0-465-04090-2. http://books.google.com/books?id=XS-FfdwfGuUC. Retrieved 3 July 2011.

This book explores the right to privacy and the potentially negative impact it can have on public health and safety. Etzioni suggests criteria when privacy ought to yield and when it needs to be further extended. Cases studies include sex offenders; HIV testing; medical records; ID cards; and encrypted communications.

Regarding the HIV testing of infants, Etzioni writes "Testing and counseling are much less costly than the treatment of infants infected with HIV" (p. 42). Regarding the identities of sex offenders, Etzioni writes convicted sex offenders who have completed their sentences should be transferred "to a guarded village or town where they are allowed to lead normal lives aside from the requirement that they stay put" (p. 73). Etzioni further argues "sending high-risk sex offenders to live in such places is preferable to condemning them to life in prison ... or letting them loose among children" (p. 74). Regarding the deciphering of encrypted messages, Etzioni writes "the dangers to public safety and national security of allowing criminals and terrorists free access to uncrackable encryption are particularly high" (p. 102). Regarding national ID cards, Etzioni argues in favor, writing that "people are secure in their identity, thereby allowing others to trust that they are who they claim to be" (p. 125). Regarding access to medical records, Etzioni argues that this information should be revealed only for health care purposes.

The book is divided into six chapters:

1. HIV Testing of Infants: Should Public Health Override Privacy?
2. Sex Offenders' Privacy Versus Children's Safety: Megan's Law and the Alternatives
3. Deciphering Encrypted Messages: A Prolonged Deadlock and an Unholy War
4. Big Brother or Big Benefits? ID Cards and Biometric Identifiers
5. Medical Records: Big Brother Versus Big Bucks
6. A Contemporary Conception of Privacy

• The new golden rule: community and morality in a democratic society. Basic Books. 10 April 1998. ISBN 978-0-465-04999-8.

The New Golden Rule argues for the need to balance freedom with morality, and autonomy with community. Etzioni proposes a new golden rule: "Respect and uphold society's moral order as you would have society respect and uphold your autonomy."

The book is divided into eight chapters:

1. The Elements of a Good Society
2. Order and Autonomy?
3. The Fall and Rise of America
4. Sharing Core Values
5. The Moral Voice
6. The Implications of Human Nature
7. Pluralism Within Unity
8. The Final Arbiters of Community's Values

• The moral dimension: toward a new economics. Simon and Schuster. 1990. ISBN 978-0-02-909901-8. http://books.google.com/books?id=_x96QivoyvsC. Retrieved 3 July 2011.

The Moral Dimension offers an examination of the role of ethics, moral values, and community in economics. Overall this book argues for the replacing of the neoclassical paradigm with the "I & We" paradigm. Etzioni's argument is divided into three parts.

Part one argues that rather than assuming people seek to maximize one utility, people are better theorized as pursuing two utilities: pleasure and morality. This analysis seeks to capture the difference between inner commitment and extrinsic motivation, "The behavior of a person who feels he/she ought to work hard is different from that of one who feels it pays to work hard" (p. 46). Etzioni bases this claim on studies of altruism, saving behavior, voting, and support for public television.

Part two critiques the rational decision-making model of neoclassical thought. Etzioni offers a cognitive-limits critique. In place of rational choice, Etzioni argues people are impacted by normative and affective factors. These decisions are made within three zones: In zone one the decision maker does what's right as values and emotions fully determine the choice. In zone two, choices are infused with normative/affective considerations, thus these choices are heavily weighted. In zone three, choices made on rational grounds for normative/affective reasons.

Part three argues that the unit for economic analysis should be the collectivity, not the individual, as, "collectivities are more consequential in forming the choices of individuals than the individuals themselves" (p. 181).

• The spirit of community: the reinvention of American society. Simon and Schuster. 24 May 1994. ISBN 978-0-671-88524-3.

The book calls for a reinvention and re-invigoration of social and political institutions and restoration of the balance between rights and responsibilities.

The book is divided into three parts:

1. Shoring Up Morality
2. Too Many Rights, Too Few Responsibilities
3. The Public Interest

• The active society: a theory of societal and political processes. Collier-Macmillan. March 1968.

The Active Society serves as a starting point for comments on theories and methods in the social sciences which may contribute to the understanding of how societies become 'masters of themselves.' Etzioni first identifies that the problem is limited to structural features which are unique to welfare service states. These combine a political commitment to provide personal help with assigned responsibility for daily work of doing so to public employees who identify with the values and attitudes of specialized occupations. The book is divided into five parts:

1. Foundations for a Theory of Macroscopic Action
2. Cybernetic Factors
3. Implementing Factors
4. Societal Consensus and Responsiveness
5. Beyond Tribalism

• My brother's keeper: a memoir and a message. Rowman & Littlefield. 2003. ISBN 978-0-7425-2158-2. http://books.google.com/books?id=yVgMhwKoLoQC. Retrieved 3 July 2011.

Excerpt from My Brother's Keeper:

"My family ties have been very strong indeed. My children and grandchildren are spread all over the world. Yet with great effort by all of us, we get together for a week--twice most years--for a family reunion. Here Eli (from Seattle) beams and shrieks with joy as he rushes to hug Shira (from Tel Aviv). Danielle flies into the arms of her four uncles. We play enough board games to drive new members of the family to distraction. We play sports, from group mountain biking to fielding an Etzioni water polo team. We have long one-on-one conversations and “family council” meetings. There is nothing like family in either the academic or the public realm.

One gathering especially deserves recounting. Here is the way I journaled it at the time: The family assembled in Amsterdam for a most unusual Bar Mitzvah, that of Daniel, the severely autistic son of my niece. We are delighted to find each others’ arms, and pleased that we made the trek to honor the Dutch branch of the family and the gargantuan efforts we hear the staff made to teach Daniel a few line of the essential prayers for the occasion. Some of us doubt that even given these efforts, Daniel will be able to meet the minimal requirements of ritual that turns youngsters into members of the Jewish community. My mother has no doubt. “No way, never, not in this life. I wonder why they are even trying? The poor boy.” The synagogue is packed. Daniel climbs on the bima with much effort, his parents supporting him on the left and right. On the bima, he is unstable on his feet, drooling on his suit. He smiles apologetically. I wish I could whisper into his ear, “its ok; no matter.” The ritual is started by others, but when it is Daniel’s turn to bless the reading of the Torah, he looks like someone who has a huge egg stuck in his throat, straining to get it out, but he is able to cough up only a little. He flushes as he tries to speak, eking out one or two legible words. He becomes flustered; strains harder, but now only grunts can be heard. We all wish we could just go up there, hug him, say the prayer for him, and end this wrenching scene. Indeed, two members of the congregation who stand on his left and right, chime in. An embarrassed smile occupies Daniel’s face. His body twitches. He is perspiring profusely; his mother keeps wiping it off, which seems to trouble him even more. I am searching desperately for what one could do to spare him even another minute of this very public ordeal. Someone else reads the portion of this week’s Torah the Bar Mitzvah boy is supposed to chant. During the following rounds of prayers Daniel is a bit more relaxed, able to utter a few words he has rehearsed scores of time. The congregation joins in a song praising the Lord, and Daniel hums along; somehow he finds it easier to sing than speak.

Then there is a moment of silence. And Daniel suddenly recites, in a clear, though halting voice: “Sh’ma Israel, Adoni Elohenu, Adoni Echad” (Hear, O Israel, the Lord is God, the Lord is One). It is the line Jews, who were given the option by the Inquisition, to eat pork and convert to Christianity or be burned at the stake, recited when they chose to jump into the fire; the line Jews repeated when they finally realized that they were being marched not into showers to be deloused but into gas chambers in the Nazi concentration camps; the line, that more than any other, captures the Jewish essence. There is not a dry eye in the place. The community rises, without any signal from the Rabbi, and breaks with much gusto into a song of thanksgiving. Daniel’s body stops twitching; he seems drained but beams widely. My mother whispers, “my God, he made it.” I don’t know what made for the magical movement; did God interrupt all he is doing to intercede or--did the community’s love carry Daniel over the threshold. I am not even sure what exact difference it makes. I am sure that there was a presence of a kind I never witnessed before. It was surely the most unique family get together of them all."