Formulation
Inherited velars *k (< PIE *k, *kʷ) and *g (< PIE *g, *gʰ, *gʷ, *gʷʰ) change before Proto-Slavic front vowels *e/ē, *i/ī (PIE *e/ē, *i, *ey/ēy, *ew/ēw > OCS e/ě, ь, i, 'u), and also before the palatal semivowel *j:
- *k > *kʲ > *č
- *g > *gʲ > *dž > *ž
Proto-Slavic velar fricative *x, which was absent in PIE and arose primarily from PIE *s by means of RUKI law, from word-initial PIE #sk-, as well as from Germanic and Iranian borrowings, changed in the same environment as:
- *x > *xʲ > *š
Compare:
- PIE *wĺ̥kʷe 'wolf!' (vocative singular of *wĺ̥kʷos) > PSl. *wilke > OCS vlьče, Pol. wilcze, SCr. vȗče
- PIE *gʷeneh₂ 'woman' > PSl. *ženā > OCS žena, Russ. žená, Pol. żona
- PIE *muHs 'mouse' > PSl. *mūsi > *mūxi > mūši > OCS myšь, Russ. myš', Pol. mysz
The effect of the first palatalization is also evident on Germanic loanwords. Compare:
- Germanic *helmaz 'helmet' > PSl. *xelmu > *šelmu > OCS šlěmъ, Russ. šelóm, SCr. šljȅm
- Germanic *kinda 'child, infant' > PSl. *kinda > *činda > OCS čędo, Russ čado, Old Pol. czędo
Read more about this topic: Slavic First Palatalization
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