Pashtunistan - Twenty First Century

Twenty First Century

There are several arguments from the governments of Afghanistan and Pakistan regarding the Pashtunistan issue. These arguments sometimes overlap but can be distinctively defined. The British influence in the region of Afghanistan and Pakistan was most prominent during the late 19th century and early portion of the 20th century, when the British sought to reestablish efforts at colonization in the East India Company during Britain's imperial century. This British experiment was known as The Great Game, and was a subversive attempt at establishing Afghanistan as a buffer region between British-India and the Tsardom of Russia. By seeking to accord certain terrain international legitimacy based upon British failures to assert control over the fiercely independent Pashtun people and tribes in the region, the establishment of a border that would separate British interests from tribal interests was extremely important to British foreign policy.

The British demarcation established as a result by the Durand Line was a deliberate strategy designed to divide the Pashtun territory along the border region of Afghanistan and Pakistan. The overall effect of the division was to alienate the Pashtun tribes from their neighbors as part of the British divide and conquer strategy, or divide and rule. This strategy had the ultimate effect of fostering anti-colonialist sentiment in the tribal regions, and Pashtuns as a result had a deep desire for independence and freedom from British rule.

However, this claim by Afghanistan is rejected by Pakistan on the basis of existing Pushtun population in the territory of Pakistan. As of 2009, there were 27 million Pashtuns living in Pakistan. In addition, there were 1.7 million predominantly Pashtun refugees from Afghanistan. There were estimated to be more than 12 million Pashtuns in Afghanistan in 2010. The vast majority of ethnic Pashtuns reside in Pakistan. Karachi has a larger Pashtun population than Kabul.

Afghanistan makes its claim on the Pashtun areas on the ground that it served as the Pashtun seat of power since 1709 with the rise of the Hotaki dynasty followed by the establishment of the Durrani Afghan Empire. According to historic sources Afghan tribes did not appear in Peshawar valley until after 800 AD, when the Islamic conquest of this area took place.

Agreements cited by the Afghan government as proof of their claim over the Pashtun tribes include Article 11 of the Anglo–Afghan Treaty of 1921, which states: "The two contracting parties, being mutually satisfied themselves each regarding the goodwill of the other and especially regarding their benevolent intentions towards the tribes residing close to their respective boundaries, hereby undertake to inform each other of any future military operations which may appear necessary for the maintenance of order among the frontier tribes residing within their respective spheres before the commencement of such operations." A supplementary letter to the Anglo-Afghan Treaty of 1921 reads: "As the conditions of the Frontier tribes of the two governments are of interest to the Government of Afghanistan. I inform you that the British government entertains feelings of goodwill towards all the Frontier tribes and has every intention of treating them generously, provided they abstain from outrages against the people of India."

However, irredentist claims regarding Pashtunistan are today no longer considered as relevant. This has been attributed to Pashtuns having successfully integrated into Pakistani society. The population of Pashtuns in Pakistan is larger than Afghanistan's Pashtun population.

The Durand Line and Pashtunistan issues have been raised by different Afghan regimes in the past. However, it may no longer be a concern. Pashtuns are now so well integrated in Pakistani society that the majority will never opt for Pashtunistan or Afghanistan. Afghan-Pashtun refugees have been staying in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa for more than 30 years. Threat perceptions about Afghanistan need re-evaluation so that suitable changes are made in our Afghan policy. —Asad Munir, 2012

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