Christianity in Zambia - The Church and The Christian Nation

The Church and The Christian Nation

The political unrest in Zambia, including food riots in which 30 people died and an attempted coup, resulted in a call for multi-party democracy. "The demand for Democracy in many countries in Africa, including Zambia, was also an expression of opposition to the effects of structural adjustment." The beleaguered Kaunda capitulated and called a referendum. In mid 1990, "The Movement for Multiparty Democracy (MMD), an unofficial alliance of political opponents of the Government, was formed" under the leadership of the recently-ousted Finance Minister Arthur Wina and the leader of the Zambian trade unions, Frederick Chiluba, to fight the democratic corner in the referendum. Kaunda then postponed the referendum by a year, but by then the momentum was too strong even in his own party. By the end of 1990 Kaunda announced that multi-party elections would be held in October 1991. The "MMD chose not to disband into many small parties that could easily be defeated by the UNIP. Instead the MMD registered as one party and elected the popular trade unionist Fredrick Chiluba as its presidential candidate."

Though the churches steered a careful course so as not to actively promote any party Phiri notes that "pro-democracy political sermons became frequent in many churches," but concludes, "despite their bias towards change, the Churches commendably maintained a non-partisan role, emerging as critical agents of reconciliation during critical times." Churches were to hold days of prayer for the election process, including election night itself, and, "in the few months before the elections, the churches made probably their greatest contribution to a peaceful transition. They joined to form the Christian Churches Monitoring Group, which then became the Zambia Elections Monitoring Coordinating Committee (ZEMEC), which set out to train a grassroots army to observe procedures at all polling stations on election day." Jimmy Carter who led the international team of observers notes that at a time of "political impasse", between Chiluba and Kaunda the Anglican Cathedral in Lusaka provided the "acceptable meeting place for both parties. Their meeting, which began with shared prayer, resulted eventually in a redrafting of the constitution that opened the way for the elections." Chiluba later credited Carter as being sent from God.

Christians wary of Kaunda's somewhat unorthodox theological positions in the past were further antagonised when the President began openly flirting with Eastern Religious beliefs. The growing perception in Zambia was "that Kaunda had not just forsaken true Christianity, but had fallen under the sway of Eastern gurus… in the 1980s he became linked with a Dr M. A. Ranganathan and established his David Universal Temple at State House." Phiri states that the association with "Eastern Religions… was not acceptable to Zambian Christians." The tensions caused by the perceived drift of Kaunda from Christian orthodoxy were exacerbated when Kaunda alleged "churches were preaching hatred" in response to negative articles about his regime in two Christian publications. Possibly in an attempt to antagonise the churches even more Kaunda joined with a television project with the Marharishi Mahesh Yogi launching a scheme to make Zambia "Heaven on Earth", this was televised on the state-run channel days before polling. Gifford notes that the response by senior pastors from Ndola, the principal town of the Copperbelt, was to call the project "demonic" and they "deplored the fact that the government 'had banned the registration of more churches but permitted occult systems to enter Zambia'".

Smith observes that Fredrick Chiluba "was situated quite differently than Kaunda – politically and religiously speaking. Politically speaking he symbolised a new generation." not caught up in the dogma of the colonialism verses nationalism debate of Kaunda, but representing the developmental needs of Zambia. In the run up to the elections Chiluba was to use the rift between Kaunda and Christians to his advantage by emphasising his Christianity. He "stressed (and his supporters stressed even more) his impeccable credentials as a true spirit-filled believer. Christian motifs were introduced into the political struggle – the diminutive Chiluba being frequently referred to as David challenging Goliath, and even more frequently as Moses, about to bring his people to freedom after almost forty years of fruitless wanderings in the wilderness." Phiri states that "Chiluba gained the support of the churches Kaunda simultaneously lost his."

At the election on 31 October 1991, Fredrick Chiluba "received 75.79% of the votes cast" and the MMD won 125 of the 150 seats in the national assembly in elections that, "international observers reported… had been conducted fairly". Haynes states that this was "brought about in part due to the perception that the previous government under K. Kaunda threatened the Church". Though opposition to SAPs had led to the elections the candidate's personalities their religious beliefs might have masked the economic concerns. Simutanyi notes that "during the election campaign the question of the economy was not given serious attention." The excitement elicited among ordinary Zambians at the opportunity to elect a party of their choice enabled the "erstwhile opponents of structural adjustment" to change political horses midstream and present their rendering of SAPs "as a panacea for Zambia' s economic problems… ordinary people showed open support for austerity. For example, at an MMD rally addressed by Chiluba in Kabwe in August 1990, Chiluba asked his audience if they would be prepared for sacrifices when the MMD came to power. They chanted 'YES.'" Of course, by embracing SAPs Chiluba and the MMD also ensured that they would be viewed favourably by the IMF and international finance community should they gain power.

Chiluba quotes a conversation he had with Jimmy Carter just before the election, "he says 'what you say today will matter tomorrow, you have to be very mindful every word you utter should have meaning.'" These words would come back to haunt Chiluba as his presidency unfolded. Two months after the election Chiluba called for a "celebration of praise", at State House at which he declared on national television that Zambia was a Christian nation. Phiri speculates that Chiluba's declaration was a personal commitment to God as president that he would lead Zambia guided by his principles based on his Christian faith. "One of my informants, Melu, felt that, as far as the president was concerned, the declaration of Zambia as a Christian nation was not a political statement… it was some thing he believed he needed to do." Phiri had previously stated that Chiluba "often draws little distinction between his personal religious faith and his public role as president". Gifford on the other hand sees the declaration as a chance by the Pentecostal and Evangelical Churches to gain an upper hand in politics in Zambia. "Following the announcement, there was general euphoria on the past of many born-agains." The ECZ and CCZ response was muted as they had not been consulted before the declaration. Gifford suggests, "Chiluba may have contacted officials of the EFZ, who no doubt were reluctant to bring in the other bodies because they saw this as their hour, having in the past felt themselves slightly overshadowed by the ECZ and CCZ."

Chiluba's patronage of the Evangelical wing of the church continued as he "appointed born-again pastors to government posts". "Chiluba was reported to have distributed 140 million kwacha to some of these churches during the 1996 election campaign in the hope of solidifying their political support. Chiluba has offered other perks to churches towards this end as well, including issuing diplomatic passports to clergy… and allocating building plots to churches." He and Godfrey Miyanda, who began as Minister without Portfolio and later became Vice President, could be "found 'preaching' to church constituencies at mass rallies, church fund-raising events and Sunday church services", though Gifford notes of this latter practice "in Zambia, it would be hard for a President to do otherwise." Phiri also noted that "there was an influx of Christian missionaries into Zambia. New charismatic churches or church organisations increased." This is hardly surprising as the Pentecostal church in particular was keen to promote Chiluba's Christian nation. A video produced by Christian Vision talks of Chiluba in terms similar to the account of Joseph in Genesis saying, "this man who only a decade ago languished in a Zambian gaol has found God, found freedom, found the support of his people and has been voted president of his country by a massive majority. Shattering the chains of economic stagnation, of increasing poverty and spiritual darkness", and aimed to encourage Western Christians to invest money and skills into Zambia based on its status as a Christian nation.

It is clear that the motives for Chiluba's declaration are somewhat ambiguous. On one hand Chiluba was calling on God for divine blessing on Zambia at the declaration he quoted 2 Chron 7:14 saying "If my people who are called by my name will humble themselves and pray and seek my face and turn form their wicked ways, then I will hear from heaven and forgive their sin and will heal their land", and as Phiri speculates, "one of the reasons why Zambia was declared a Christian nation was Chiluba's belief that a nation whose leader fears God prospers economically. This interpretation of he Bible is heavily influenced by the US faith prosperity teachings that were gaining influence in Zambia, through missionaries, overseas contacts and increasingly by the means of mass media. "American sources and missionaries are systematically flooding the continent and forming a crucial, dynamic part of the African revival." Gifford comments, "the faith paradigm has become widely accepted as Christianity, and is staple fare on Zambian television."

Chiluba had an understanding of how Pentecostal churches view his presidency as God appointed. Rev. Sky Banda as senior Pentecostal pastor in the nation says of Chiluba, "when he finally got into the presidentship position we were very happy. We felt it was a God-ordained situation." Haynes proposes, "independent churches… theologically towards the conservative end of the religious spectrum, regarded government as divinely sanctioned, that they rule because God allows them to." By using scriptures such as Romans 13:1a, "Everyone must summit himself to the governing authorities, for there is no authority except that which God has established." Chiluba was confident he would be able to push his harsh economic polices through with little opposition from the Pentecostal wing of the church. An even more powerful inference in Pentecostal terms was that his presidency was like that of an Old Testament king. Using a scripture, "the Lord forbid that I should do such a thing to my master the Lord's anointed, or lift my hand against him; for he is the anointed of the Lord", 1 Sam 24:5, often appropriated by Pentecostal faith prosperity teachers to hide excesses in their ministry and prevent serious investigation, he and his supporters were able to fend off difficult questions from Pentecostal quarters, see also.

With this seemingly sound scriptural backing Chiluba was able to ask of his Christian supporters to endure hardships beyond those that brought the UNIP government of Kaunda to its knees. Calling once more on faith prosperity doctrines, "Chiluba admonished Christians to 'work hard and not to continue begging because there was not poverty in heaven'." Phiri questioned whether Chiluba's actions were in fact in keeping with his former beliefs as a trade unionist, "the characteristics of liberal democracy as understood by Chiluba were not put into practice when he declared Zambia a Christian nation." Because of his seemingly unassailable position the MMD threw themselves whole heartedly into an adjustment programme. Haynes comments that the programme "was so stringent that the local World Bank representative counselled caution and urged that greater concern be given to the issue of social instability, which he judged to be a direct result of too fervent an application of adjustment policies". The policy left many unemployed, raise the price of basic foods with the removal of subsidies (an action that had caused major riots under Kaunda) and increased the cost of education and healthcare. The application of this programme was to have a huge impact on the population and it was to finally cause a rift between Chiluba and the church. Phiri states it, "contributed to the worsening of the economic standards of 80 percent of Zambians". Once more as hardship threatened the population the church was compelled to take up an advocacy role instigating, "conflict between Chiluba and the churches… the social impact of his economic policies" This was a crucial moment in the relationship between Chiluba and the church because, "the sustainability of economic policies depends to a large extent of the balance of power between groups supporting and those against."

The surprise declaration of the Christian nation had already alienated the CCZ and ECZ and they became increasing less likely to fully support Chiluba just because he was a Christian. The declaration eventually estranged many of the women of Zambia, who had enthusiastically supported Chiluba in 1991, but later felt that he was "not gender sensitive and… wonder whether this had anything to do with the fact that Zambia… been declared a Christian nation." Illustrating what Aboum suggests, "the relationship between the church and Women is contradictory. On the one had, the Church empowers women, and on the other, it has been slow in applying the revolutionary message of good news for women within its own structures." Put simply, "the Church has an empowering role, but a marginalising structure." As the economic hardships increased churches came under greater pressure both to provide welfare, but also because of financial hardships within their own organisations. "As Africa's economies have collapsed, many African churches have been reduced to a state of penury." Indeed Zambia itself became increasingly reliant on outside AID. Though Christian nation status ensured that Christians in the west would be encouraged to donate more to see Zambia succeed, Zambia's poverty and debt burden increased dramatically during the 1990s. Chiluba's policies were causing the churches to distance themselves from him. "In March 1992 EFZ… issued a statement in which it appealed to the Zambian church to 'restrict itself to those matters that are within its competence' and to 'maintain a reasonable distance form government'."

By 1996 the term Christian nation had been written into the opening of the proposed Zambian constitution. This took the debate from whether the declaration in 1991 was a personal statement or policy to a new level. As Phiri says it now, "had legal implications or a longer lasting nature than the Chiluba presidency." There were demands from opposition MPs and even a joint communiqué from the ECZ, CCZ and even the EFZ calling for a referendum, but, "Chiluba simply offered the constitution to Parliament to approve", and his confidence was rewarded when the MMD MPs holding a vast majority approved the wording. These actions along with others by Chiluba, including attempting to prevent Kaunda from running for president again, caused UNIP to boycott the forthcoming presidential elections.

Chiluba's perceived arrogance coupled with his failures to tackle the economic decline, poverty or corruption caused some pastors to conclude that what was lacking was suitably informed and educated Christians in politics to see the vision of a Christian nation through to its conclusion. Nevers Mumba, a Pentecostal pastor, and a key supporter of Chiluba in 1991 formed the National Christian's Coalition in 1996. Mumba claimed that this was not a political party, but just an organisation to "act as an independent voice in guiding the president in matters of concern to the church". However this caused great controversy among Christians, some of whom thought Mumba was in fact harbouring political ambitions to become president himself. Mumba challenged the integrity of Chiluba's government and in doing so caused Chiluba to see the NCC as a threat to his power. Under increasing pressure from within the NCC and increasing alienation by other political groups and churches Mumba converted the NCC into a political party and stood at the 1996 elections. The NCC however failed to win a seat. Chiluba was returned by 70% of the vote, but only 40% of the registered electorate turned out and only 60% of eligible electors had ever been registered. The absence of UNIP and voting irregularities caused many, including international observers, to question the validity of the election.

In his second term Chiluba continued to lose the confidence of the people of Zambia. In 1997 an attempted coup triggered the arrest of UNIP activists and the house arrest of Kenneth Kaunda. This brought down international condemnation on Chiluba. His separation from his wife Vera in 2000 caused many in church circles to question whether Chiluba's faith was what it once had been. And when Chiluba's demanded to stay on for a third term, despite the fact that it contradicted the constitution he had fought so hard to push through, it diminished his standing even further. In 1991, "Chiluba… promised the Christian community that power… not corrupt his character", but this had an increasingly hollow ring to it. Gifford comments the make up of the MMD included a large number of Kaunda's regime who had jumped ship to keep their lucrative positions. "In 1994, Vice-President Levy Mwanamasa resigned, alleging Chiluba's government was corrupt." When opposed over his demand for a third term, "Chiluba reacted undemocratically by expelling twenty-two senior members of the MMD party, including Miyanda." On 3 May 2001 an attempt to impeach Chiluba was made to the Zambian parliament and backed by 158 MPs. The next day Chiluba, "announced 'I will leave office at the end of my term. Let's take national interests into consideration, this is in the best interest of the nation'… his presidency of Zambia as a Christian Nation ended with his reputation both as a Christian and as a democrat in ruins." He handed over power to the newly elected president Levy Mwanamasa, the leader of the MMD, in December 2001. In his first address to the Nation, the new president reaffirmed his commitment to the declaration of Zambia as a Christian nation.

Pentecostal churches have managed to distance themselves to such a degree they were largely unaffected by Chiluba's fall. The instigation of the NCC by Mumba provided many with a safe method of switching allegiances without abandoning the concept of the Christian nation. Phiri says of Zambian political affairs that it, "has not fallen into the pattern of one party that supports the Christian Nation, contesting with another party which opposes it. Zambian politics has come increasingly to be played out between supporters of the Christian Nation." Following Mwanamasa's election he called on Nevers Mumba to become Vice President and in doing so conferred Pentecostal legitimacy on his government without the baggage that surrounded Chiluba. In many ways the Chiluba presidency has enabled the Pentecostal church to secure its voice in with the larger and more established churches in Zambia and among the urban populations in particular it is increasingly seen as one of the most active parts of civil society.