Bolshevik - History of The Split

History of The Split

Part of a series on
Marxism–Leninism
Core tenets
  • Communism
  • Vanguard party
  • Democratic centralism
  • Marxist–Leninist atheism
  • Central planning
  • Proletarian internationalism
  • Single-party state
  • Socialist patriotism
Topics
  • Marxism
  • Leninism
  • Stalinism
  • Trotskyism
  • Maoism
  • Hoxhaism
  • De-Stalinization
  • Anti-Revisionism
  • Khrushchevism
People
  • Karl Marx
  • Vladimir Lenin
  • Joseph Stalin
  • Ernst Thälmann
  • Earl Browder
  • Gonchigiin Bumtsend
  • Josip Broz Tito
  • Fidel Castro
  • Che Guevara
  • Mao Zedong
  • Ho Chi Minh
  • Enver Hoxha
  • Mathieu Kérékou
  • Agostinho Neto
  • Samora Machel
  • Thomas Sankara
  • Alfonso Cano
Literature
  • Wage Labor and Capital
  • Materialism and Empirio-criticism
  • Imperialism
  • What Is to Be Done?
  • The State and Revolution
  • Dialectical and Historical Materialism
  • On Contradiction
  • Guerrilla Warfare
  • Fundamentals of Marxism–Leninism
History
  • Great October Socialist Revolution
  • Soviet Union
  • Comintern
  • Hungarian Soviet Republic
  • Spanish Civil War
  • World War II
  • Warsaw Pact
  • Greek Civil War
  • Chinese Revolution (1949)
  • Korean War
  • Cuban Revolution
  • De-Stalinization
  • Non-Aligned Movement
  • Sino-Soviet Split
  • Vietnam War
  • Portuguese Colonial War
  • Nicaraguan Revolution
  • Nepalese Civil War
  • Naxalite-Maoist insurgency
Related topics
  • Bolshevism
  • Leninism
  • Maoism
  • Marxism
  • Stalinism
  • Anti-Revisionism
  • Titoism
  • Trotskyism
  • Communism portal
  • Politics portal

In the 2nd Congress of the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party, held in Brussels and London during August 1903, Lenin and Julius Martov disagreed over the membership rules. Lenin wanted members "who recognise the Party Programme and support it by material means and by personal participation in one of the party's organisations." Julius Martov suggested "by regular personal assistance under the direction of one of the party's organisations." Lenin advocated limiting party membership to a smaller core of active members, as opposed to "card carriers" who might only be active in party branches from time to time or not at all. This active base would develop the cadre, a core of "professional revolutionaries", consisting of loyal communists who would spend most of their time organising the party toward a mass revolutionary party capable of leading a workers' revolution against the Tsarist autocracy.

The base of active and experienced members would be the recruiting ground for this professional core. Sympathizers would be left outside and the party would be organised based on the concept of democratic centralism. Martov, until then a close friend of Lenin, agreed with him that the core of the party should consist of professional revolutionaries, but argued that party membership should be open to sympathizers, revolutionary workers and other fellow travelers.

The two had disagreed on the issue as early as March–May 1903, but it was not until the Congress that their differences became irreconcilable and split the party. Although at first the disagreement appeared to be minor and inspired by personal conflicts, for example, Lenin's insistence on dropping less active editorial board members from Iskra or Martov's support for the Organizing Committee of the Congress which Lenin opposed, the differences quickly grew and the split became irreparable.

Read more about this topic:  Bolshevik

Famous quotes containing the words history of the, history of, history and/or split:

    Tell me of the height of the mountains of the moon, or of the diameter of space, and I may believe you, but of the secret history of the Almighty, and I shall pronounce thee mad.
    Henry David Thoreau (1817–1862)

    Throughout the history of commercial life nobody has ever quite liked the commission man. His function is too vague, his presence always seems one too many, his profit looks too easy, and even when you admit that he has a necessary function, you feel that this function is, as it were, a personification of something that in an ethical society would not need to exist. If people could deal with one another honestly, they would not need agents.
    Raymond Chandler (1888–1959)

    The custard is setting; meanwhile
    I not only have my own history to worry about
    But am forced to fret over insufficient details related to large
    Unfinished concepts that can never bring themselves to the point
    Of being, with or without my help, if any were forthcoming.
    John Ashbery (b. 1927)

    Some people ... can’t see the country for the money in their pockets. They think their state is the country, or the way they live is the country. And they’re willing to split the country because of it.
    Dan Totheroh (1895–1976)