United Nations Operation in The Congo - Canadian Army Involvement

Canadian Army Involvement

Canadian soldiers had been a part of every UN Peacekeeping mission from its founding to 1989. The Congo Crisis was one of the earliest and most important UN missions ever. In many ways the UN mission to the Congo would set a precedent for all subsequent UN peacekeeping missions. When violence erupted in the Congo so too did support for a United Nations mission to the Congo among the Canadian public. On 12 July, the Globe asked “where are the UN Police?” in an editorial that called for the dispatch of a UN armed force. In July 1960 Canadians were asked in a poll “of all the trouble spots in the world — Russia, China, Cuba or the Congo, which do you think is most critical?” After Russia the Congo was identified as the next most critical trouble spot. Support for a UN mission was not only strong among the Canadian public but was also strong in Parliament. In the House of Commons, Liberal critic Paul Martin asked the Progressive Conservative of John Diefenbaker “to inform the secretary General of the United Nations that if United Nations police forces are required and requested for the preservation of order in the new Congo state, a Canadian contingent is ready, trained and available to be moved by air transport immediately.” At the time Canada had set aside an infantry brigade especially for the use of the United Nations. JW MacNaughton, the Director of Military Operations and Plans, stated that “he considered it unlikely that peacekeepers would get used in any combat capacity, so he expected the UN would ask for military advisers and not the standby battalion Canada had readily available for UN service.” When Dag Hammarskjold received the offer to send the Canadian Brigade to the Congo he refused stating that “If outside help was required to resolve the developing crisis, they preferred non-African states to be used as a last resort.” The United Nations did not wish to turn the Congo Crisis into a Cold War proxy war and so tried to pick peacekeepers from neutral countries. Hammarskjold hoped that if a military force was necessary “the force would consist of three or four fully equipped units, which he hoped to obtain from several neutral African and Asian countries and from a trans-Atlantic French-speaking country.” This trans-Atlantic French–speaking country would be Canada, even though as Dr. Spooner put it “Canada: Just West of Neutral.” Canadian forces were perfectly suited for a peacekeeping mission in the Congo because they were bilingual, this allowed them to communicate with the mostly English speaking UN troops as well as the French speaking Belgian and Congolese forces. They could also communicate with the Congolese people.

All of this occurred prior to there being an official request for assistance from the Congo. The first request for assistance from the Congo requested that the United Nations send technical assistance to support the Force Publique, the armed forces of the Congo. In response, “the secretary general suggested the dispatch of UN technical personnel to the Congo to assist in restoring order and discipline within the armed forces.” Canadian National Defence assumed that the United Nations would ask for French-speaking military advisers, the army maintained a standby list of one hundred officers, including many who were bilingual and could be posted abroad on short notice.” Before Hammarskjold could put his plan into action, however, a second Congolese request arrived, sent directly to the secretary general from President Joseph Kasavubu and Prime Minister Joseph Lumumba, “the Congolese leaders asked for UN military forces to counter the violent Belgian intervention.” Again Canada offered combat troops stating that if the need arose for Canadian military intervention in the Congo Canada could also “deploy one of three French speaking battalions made ready for UN Service.” The offer for combat troops was again refused, though Hammarskjold officially accepted the Canadian French-speaking officers.

It was during this time that the first formal request for troops in the support of the UN mission was given to Canada, the request included Canadian signals and logistics personnel be sent to the Congo. From Canada the UN needed specifically signals personnel as well as quartermaster and maintenance personnel. “Once cabinet decided to send signallers, the army moved quickly to complete the necessary arrangements for their departure. Two units were formed: Canadian HQ, ONUC and no. 57 Signals Squadron.” To supply these Canada approved “the purchase of thirteen tropicalized AN/GRC-26D heavy wireless sets from the United States.” The Canadian Signallers were to be used to send communication from the front to the headquarters and vice-versa. They were stationed both at ONUC HQ as well as in 10 static signals stations spread throughout the country. Canada also sent a Provost Unit which attempted to promote law and order in the capital.“At any one time there were more Canadians serving at ONUC HQ than of any other nationality.” In addition to the Signals Squadron, Canada also sent an advanced reconnaissance party consisting of six officers from the United Nations Military Observer Group in India. “These men were instructed to determine personnel and equipment requirements, as well as the organization requirements at HQ.” The reconnaissance party found that “ONUC HQ personnel did not carry weapons and were able to move about freely without any trouble.” The Canadian government, however, was scared that their French-speaking peacekeepers could get mistaken for Belgian paratroops, and so “peacekeepers were given small arms training... depending on rank the troops were issued either Browning automatic pistols or C1 submachine guns, weapons the non-combatant peacekeepers carried for personal defence only.”

It soon became clear that these fears were not unwarranted, Canadian peacekeepers were attacked by Congolese troops on several occasions. “The first incident of serious violence that occurred between Congolese and Canadians occurred at N’Djili airport, and demonstrated how vulnerable the Canadians could be. Two groups of peacekeepers were waiting to depart on reconnaissance missions, when those destined for Luluabourg were delayed on the tarmac. A patrol of about ten to twelve Congolese soldiers suddenly rushed them... the Congolese forced them facedown onto the tarmac, arms extended and then they kicked them.” The commanding officer was then knocked out and the remaining Canadian soldiers were herded onto a truck. After about ten minutes the Canadians were rescued by a Danish officer and Ghanain troops. The UN as well as Canada reacted in outrage to this senseless attack against Canadian troops. In turn they praised the Canadian officer for not escalating the situation and responding in due discretion. It was recognized by all parties that the Canadian soldiers were capable of firing on the Congolese troops in self-defence but they did not.

Even though Canada wasn’t in the Congo in a combat capacity their involvement came under scrutiny from the USSR. The Soviets began to attack Canadian involvement directly, “they objected to the use of Canadian peacekeepers because Canada was one of Belgium’s NATO allies.” The Soviets even went so far as to demand “the withdrawal of armed groups from Canada.” According to Scarnecchia, the Soviets “accused the RCAF of supplying weapons and armoured steel to Tshombe’s forces in secessionist Katanga, they believed that this RCAF support was in line with Western Interests.” Though these allegations were never proven in response the secretary-general of the UN transferred the RCAF contingent from performing airlift duties in support of the UN mission to a Pisa-Leopoldville airlift of food and aid. This transfer served to somewhat satisfy the Russians and any further scrutiny was mild in comparison. Instead of arguing against UN involvement in the Congo the Soviets began to provide aid to Prime Minister Lumumba in Leopoldville. This as well as the assassination of Lumumba and the death of Secretary-General Hammarskjold would lead to the UN allowing the use of force by UN troops in the Congo.” In 1961, UN troops under aggressive commanders pushed into Katanga, and began routing Tshombe’s armed forces. As clashes between Tshombe and UN forces grew more frequent, the UN grew more aggressive and eventually took control of key parts of the province.”

One of the most famous Canadian peacekeepers that served in the Congo was General Jacques Dextraze. Dextraze was sent to the Congo in 1963, to serve as Chief of Staff of the UN force, effectively making him second in command of the entire mission. Dextraze was a daring leader, he made a name for himself by “undertaking a number of risky rescues, he once landed his personal helicopter to pick up four missionaries and was forced to keep the rebels at bay until escape was possible. General Dextraze went on to become the Chief of Defence Staff in Canada.” Canadians would play an important role in nearly every aspect of the UN mission in the Congo. From their detachment at Command HQ to the RCAF Pisa-Leopoldville Airlift on to the Signals Personnel stationed throughout the Congo, each level of Canadian involvement would play a crucial role in the mission. Though Canadian involvement came under Soviet attack the Canadian commitment to the mission did not waver and Canadian soldiers stayed in the Congo until the end of the mission in 1964. Canadian forces proved themselves admirably in tough situations when they were attacked by Congolese forces and responded with discipline and tact by not firing on their

The greatest strength which the Canadian Contingent in the Congo reached was 461, though 1,900 Canadian soldiers would serve there from 1960–64. There were no casualties except the bruises and cuts given to the Canadian Forces by Congolese troops at N’Djili Airport.