Robert C. Tucker - Communist Studies and The Social Sciences

Communist Studies and The Social Sciences

What younger generations of comparativists in political science may not know is that Tucker was at the forefront of efforts to bring the comparative study of communist systems into the discipline of political science and the field of comparative politics. In 1969, he assumed chairmanship of the Planning Group on Comparative Communist Studies sponsored by the American Council of Learned Societies under a grant from the Carnegie Corporation. During his six-year tenure as chair, the Planning Group convened a number of international conferences that shed new light on the similarities and differences among communist regimes. The proceedings of these conferences were reported to the profession through the publication of several conference volumes. Tucker’s tenure as chair also saw the expansion of the Planning Group’s Newsletter on Comparative Studies of Communism, which presented shorter discussion pieces on the subject of its masthead.

The intellectual tone for much of the work of the Planning Group under Tucker’s leadership was set by his paper “Culture, Political Culture, and Soviet Studies,” written for a 1971 conference on Communist Political Culture convened at Arden House in Harriman, New York. Subsequently published in Political Science Quarterly (1973) and as the opening chapter in his book Political Culture and Leadership in Soviet Russia (1987), that paper set forth the hypothesis that “if Communism in practice tends to be an amalgam of an innovated cultural system and elements of a national cultural ethos, then divergences of national cultural ethos will be one of the factors making for developmental diversity and cultural tension between different movements.” Subsequent conferences of the Planning Group explored the extent of those divergences and developmental diversities, including a third element in the amalgam that Tucker had overlooked—components of imported foreign culture, including technology—but to which he was quite receptive.

Although perhaps best known for his seminal trilogy on Stalin (the third volume of which remained unfinished at the time of his death), the corpus of Tucker’s scholarly work was significant, among other reasons, for moving communism studies and particularly Soviet studies away from narrow area studies and helping to place them within the parameters of political science and the social sciences. His desire to move Soviet studies in that direction can be found in one of his earliest works—on the first page of an article entitled “Towards a Comparative Politics of Movement Regimes,” published in The American Political Science Review (1961). This article was reprinted in an important collection of Tucker’s early essays—The Soviet Political Mind (1963; rev. ed. 1971)—that included such important essays as “The Image of Dual Russia”—a classic piece that is still assigned in graduate and undergraduate courses on Soviet and Russian politics.

Tucker’s highly regarded work on Stalin drew on the theories of psychologist Karen Horney, providing insights into the feared (and still revered by some in Russia) Soviet leader and demonstrating the significance of psychological theories for understanding political leadership. Rather than merely describing Stalin’s cruelty, paranoia, and mental quirks, Tucker was more concerned with explaining Stalin’s psychological make-up. And that is where Horney’s theories proved invaluable to him. He found in Horney’s work the study of “neurotic character structure,” which included such attributes as the “search for glory” and a “need for vindictive triumph.” It was Horney’s 1950 book Neurosis and Human Growth that particularly inspired him while serving on the staff of the American Embassy in Moscow at the time. A half century later, he was quite candid in acknowledging the role of that work in the development of his own thinking: “Instead of dealing in such abstract categories from a book of psychology, I was now using that book as guidance in a biographer’s effort to portray his subject as an individual.”

Notwithstanding his “intellectual fascination with unusual hypothesis,” Tucker in the end confessed that his biography of Stalin “never became—fortunately—the political-science tract that it started out to be.” He was quick to add, however, that “neither did it become a conventional biography of a historically influential person.” While this may indicate growing frustration at his own attempts to marry Soviet studies and the social sciences, he nevertheless remained sympathetic to and supportive of such attempts by his own students and colleagues.

Tucker’s interest in political leadership was by no means confined to Stalin. Indeed, he addressed the subject of political leadership in a much broader context in his 1981 book Politics as Leadership, in which he viewed politics as leadership rather than as power. Such an approach, Tucker argued, was more useful to students of society, since it was more comprehensive and could open up more areas to political analysis than could the more orthodox view of politics as power. In his preface to the 1995 revised edition of the book, Tucker restated two fundamental propositions that had guided his inquiries into political leadership: (1) “political leadership often makes a crucial difference in the lives of states and other human communities”; and (2) “leadership—although the term itself has a positive resonance—can be a malignant force in human affairs as well as a force for good.” His collected works clearly demonstrated the veracity of both propositions.