Rape Crisis Center - Structure and Organization

Structure and Organization

While the goals of RCCs have remained largely unchanged since their creation in the 1970s, they have undergone a number of structural changes. Among these changes is the phenomenon of RCCs moving toward more professionalization and hierarchy and away from the radical activism that defines their roots. Many RCCs, rather than being freestanding collectives, are incorporated into the mainstream organizations that they once worked against, such as hospitals or other social services agencies. These trends are related to the political climate and also the availability of government money to fund their activities. Despite the fact that RCCs now more closely resemble mainstream organizations, they still occupy an important place in the anti-rape movement. When dealing with rape survivors, the fact that RCCs have no interest other than in providing emotional support and assistance to survivors distinguishes them from physicians who are primarily concerned with treating injuries, law enforcement officers who are primarily concerned with ascertaining facts, or prosecutors who primarily concerned with building a case. RCCs are further separated from mainstream organizations by their consistent efforts to reform how these organizations respond to rape, primarily through the provision of training in appropriate rape definitions and responses. This cooperation between RCCs and mainstream organizations represents a shift in RCC strategies; they have moved from being outside critics of mainstream organizations to indoctrinating allies with them.

A close relationship between RCCs and mainstream organizations leads to various opportunities and constraints that affect the quality of a community’s responsiveness to rape. Among the opportunities are access to rape survivors that first approach mainstream organizations, the ability to teach mainstream organizations about rape, and the ability to develop responsive interorganizational protocols. Constraints include the inability to publicly criticize the unresponsiveness of mainstream organizations, an increased likelihood of cooptation to mainstream views, a shift of the focus toward survivors and away from social and political change, and a greater tolerance for mainstream unresponsiveness. Depending on the particular RCC, the community in which is works, and its relationship to mainstream organizations, there will be different situations in terms of which opportunities or constraints present themselves. Nonetheless, this situation suggests a much-changed picture from the radical origins of the RCC. While RCCs still employ feminist discourse and engage in political activities, such as demonstrations and lobbying, they have largely lost the radical edge that once defined them.

Communities with RCCs that are integrated into a network with mainstream organizations are the most responsive to rape survivors. Each community has different resources, but some relevant mainstream organizations for such a network include hospitals, law enforcement, prosecutors, feminist groups, university rape awareness programs, mental health centers, and battered women’s shelters. The most effective networks for fostering a community’s responsiveness are those that are coordinated either by the RCC or the RCC in conjunction with the police. Coordination by the RCC entails establishing the linkages between the various organizations in order to streamline the delivery of services to the rape survivor. Overly centralized networks are generally not as responsive as those that have more interaction between all members of the network. Overall, RCCs provide a central role in managing a community’s response to rape and foster increased communication among the various factions that deal with rape survivors.