Janus - Origin, Legends and History

Origin, Legends and History

In accord with his fundamental character of being the Beginner Janus was considered by Romans the first king of Latium, sometimes along with Camese. He would have received hospitably god Saturn, who, expelled from Heaven by Jupiter, arrived on a ship to the Janiculum. Janus would have also effected the miracle of turning the waters of the spring at the foot of the Viminal from cold to scorching hot in order to fend off the assault of the Sabines of king Titus Tatius, come to avenge the kidnapping of their daughters by the Romans.

His temple named Janus Geminus had to stand open in times of war. It was said to have been built by king Numa Pompilius, who kept it always shut during his reign as there were no wars. After him it was closed very few times, one after the end of the first Punic War, three times under Augustus and once by Nero. It is recorded that emperor Gordianus III opened the Janus Geminus.

It is a noteworthy curiosity that the opening of the Janus was perhaps the last act connected to the ancient religion in Rome: Procopius writes that in 536 CE, during the Gothic War, while general Belisarius was under siege in Rome, at night somebody opened the Janus Geminus stealthily, which had long stayed closed since 390, year on which Theodosius I's edict banned the ancient cults. Janus was faithful to his liminal role also in the marking of this last act.

The uniqueness of Janus in Latium has suggested to L. Adams Holland and J. Gagé the hypothesis of a cult brought from far away by sailors and strictly linked to the amphibious life of the primitive communities living on the banks of the Tiber. In the myth of Janus the ship of Saturn as well as the myth of Carmenta and Evander are remininscent of an ancient Preroman sailing life. The elements that connect Janus to sailing are summarised here below as presented in the work of Gagé.

1. The boat of Janus and the beliefs of the primitive sailing techniques.

a) The proximity of Janus and Portunus and the functions of the flamen Portunalis.

The temple of Janus was dedicated by C. Duilius on August 17, day of the Portunalia. The key was the symbol of both gods and was also meant to signify that the boarding boat was a peaceful merchant boat.

The flamen Portunalis oiled the arms of Quirinus with an ointment kept in a peculiar container named persillum, term perhaps derived from Etruscan persie. A similar object seems to be represented in a fresco picture of the Calendar of Ostia on which young boys prepare to apply a resin contained in a basin to a boat standing on a cart, i.e. yet to be launched.

b) The Tigillum Sororium would be related to a cult of wood of the Horatii, as shown by the episodes of the pons sublicius defended by Horatius Cocles and of the posts of the main entrance of the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus, on which Marcus Horatius Pulvillus lay his hand during the dedication rite. Gagé thinks the magic power of the Tigillum Sororium should be due to the living and burgeoning nature of wood.

2. Falacer and flamen Falacer as related to a sacred tree useful in shipbuilding. This flamen would be related to Janus as the flamen Portunalis is because of the association of pater Falacer and shipping.

a) The name of divus pater Falacer would be that of a Sabine god similar to Quirinus, i.e. a spear god from the town of Falacrinae. The term is related to falarica, a javelin soaked in pitch, ending with a point of inflammable material. Falas in Etruscan means pole or tower. The name could be related to that of the faba graeca the Greek lotus, imported from Syria (Celtis australis). This tree would have been used among certain communities as the wild olive was to make rolls in order to haul ships upon. The name of the flamen would reflect an ancient name of this tree later corrupted into faba.

b) Religious quality of trees as the wild olive (analogous to that of corniolum and wild fig) to sailing communities: it does not rot in sea water, thence it was used in shipbuilding and the making of rolls for the hauling of ships overland.

3. Janus and the depiction of Boreas as Bifrons: climatological elements.

a) The calendar of Numa and the role of Janus. Contradictions of the ancient Roman calendar on the beginning of the new year: originally March was the first month and February the last one. January, the month of Janus, became the first afterwards and through several manipulations. The liminal character of Janus is though present in the association to the Saturnalia of December, reflecting the strict relationship between the two gods and the rather blurred distinction of their stories and symbols. The initial role of Janus in the political-religious operations of January: nuncupatio votorum spanning the year, imperial symbol of the boat in the rite of opening of the sailing season of the vota felicia. Janus and his myths allow for an ancient interpretation of the vota felicia different from the Isiadic one.

b) The idea of the Seasons in the ancient traditions of the Ionian Islands. The crossing of the Hyperborean myths. Cephalonia as a place at the cross of famous winds. Application of the theory of winds for the navigation in the Ionian Sea. The type Boreas Bifrons as probable model of the Roman Janus.

The observation has been made first by the Roscher Lexicon: "Ianus is he too, doubtlessly, a god of wind" and repeated in the RE Pauly-Wissowa s.v. Boreas by Rapp. P. Grimal has taken up this interpretation connecting it to a vase with red figures representing Boreas pursuing the nymph Oreithyia: Boreas is depicted as a two headed winged demon, the two faces with beards, one black and the other fair, perhaps symbolising the double movement of the winds Boreas and Antiboreas. This proves the Greek of the V century BC did know the image of Janus. Gagé feels compelled to mention here another parallel with Janus to be found in the figure of Argos with one hundred eyes and in his association with his murderer Hermes.

Among the winds studied by Greek sailors one can number Auster and Aquilon. Favonius on the other hand is not known to the Greek but is of particular relevance to the Roman as it started to blow exactly on the sixth day before the Idi of February: it was regarded as the bringer of the Springtime renewal of life. Few days later recurred the festival of Faunus, on the idi.

c) Solar, solsticial and cosmological elements. While there is no direct proof of an original solar meaning of Janus, this being the issue of learned speculations of the Roman erudits initiated into the mysteries and of emperors as Domitian, the derivation from a Syrian cosmogonic deity proposed by P. Grimal looks more acceptable. Gagé though sees an ancient, preclassical Greek mythic substratum to which belong Deucalion and Pyrrha and the Hyperborean origins of the Delphic cult of Apollo as well as the Argonauts. The beliefs in the magic power of trees is reflected in the use of the olive wood, as for the rolls of the ship Argo: the myth of the Argonauts has links with Corcyra, remembered by Ampelius.

4. The sites of the cults of Janus at Rome and his associations in ancient Latium.

a) Argiletum. Varro gives either the myth of the killing of Argos as an etymology of the word Argi-letum (death of Argos), which is not reliable, or the place standing upon a soil of clay, argilla. However the names in -etum are usually referred to trees. The place so named stood at the foot of the Viminal, the hill of the reeds. It could also be referred to the white willow tree, used to make objects of trelliswork. The word could also be linked to the Argei the 27 or 30 dolls thrown into the Tiber in the rite of May 15. On them the more accepted opinion (at the time, 1979) is that they represented Greeks, Argei being their ancient designation by the Romans. The rite could be a substitution rite for human sacrifices or be original as such. The most supported opinion among the Ancient was that of a rite of substitution of human sacrifices to Saturn ascribed to Hercules. At any rate the rite must be associated to a local Preroman life linked to the Tiber, to a river religion in which the reeds harvested in the river itself or its banks had a peculiar value. Janus though is not present in this rite.

b) The Janiculum may have been inhabited by people who were not Latin but had close alliances with Rome. The right bank of the Tiber would constitute a typical, commodious landing place for boats and the cult of Janus would have been double as far as amphibious.

c) Janus's cultic alliances and relations in Latium show a Prelatin character. Janus has no association in cult (calendar or prayer formulae) with any other entity. Even though he has the epithet of Pater he is no head of a divine family; however some testimonies lend him a companion, sometimes female and a son and/or a daughter. They belong to the family of the nymphs or genies of springs. Janus intervenes in the miracle of the hot spring during the battle between Romulus and Tatius: Juturna and the nymphs of the springs are clearly related to Janus as well as Venus, that in the Ovid's Metamorphoses cooperates in the miracle and that may have been confused with Venilia, or perhaps the two were originally one. Janus has a direct link only to Venilia with whom he fathered Canens. The magic role of the wild olive tree (oleaster) is prominent in the description of the duel between Aeneas and Turnus reflecting its religious significance and powers: it was sacred to sailors, also to those who had shipwrecked as a protecting guide to the shore. It was probably venerated by a Prelatin culture in association with Faunus. In the story of Venulus coming back from Apulia too we see the religious connotation of the wild olive: the king discovers one into which a local shepherd had been had been turned for failing to respect some nymphs he had come across in a nearby cavern, apparently Venilia, as she was the deity associated with the magic virtues of such tree. Gagé finds it remarkable that the characters related to Janus are in the Aeneis on the side of the Rutuli. In the Aeneis Janus would be represented by Tiberinus. Olistene, the daughter of Janus with Camese, may reflect in her name that of the olive or oleaster, or of Oreithyia. Camese may be reflected in Carmenta: Evander's mother is from Arcadia, comes to Latium as an exile migrant and has her two festivals in January: Camese's name does not look Latin.

5. Sociological remarks.

a) The vagueness of Janus's association with the cults of primitive Latium and his indifference towards social composition of the Roman State suggest the inference that he was a god of an earlier amphibious merchant society in which the role of the guardian was indispensable.

b) Janus bifrons and the Penates. Even though the cult of Janus cannot be confused with that of the Penates, related with Dardanian migrants from Troy, the binary nature of the Penates and of Janus postulates a correspondent ethnic or social organisation. Here the model is thought to be provided by the cult of the Magni Dei or Cabeiri preserved at Samothrace and worshipped particularly among sailing merchants. The aetiological myth is noteworthy too: at the beginning one finds Dardanos and his brother Iasios appearing as auxiliary figures in a Phrygian cult to a Great Mother. In Italy there is a trace of a conflict between worshippers of the Argive Hera (Diomedes and the Diomedians of the south) and of the Penates. The cult of Janus looks to be related to social groups remained at the fringe of the Phrygian ones. They might or might not have been related to the cult of the Dioscuri.

c) The ianitrices in Roman law. The term is attested by Modestinus in the Digesta 38, 10, 4, 6 and glossed by Isidorus Origines 9, 7, 17. It denotes the spouses of the brothers of one's husband: it is attested only in the imperial period and in the juridical language. It has a symmetric correspondent in levir brother of one's husband. It is possible to suppose that the word ianitrix may at its origin have issued from the cult of Janus, which could have given special functions to women married to the two undivisible companions while later it got fixed to a special sense of relations. This topic bears on the matrimonial practices of early Roman society which show traces of a regimen different from the classic one, i. e. monogamic with exogamy.