First 100 Days of Barack Obama's Presidency - Comparisons

Comparisons

Smith notes that prior to the Twentieth Amendment to the United States Constitution, it was rare for a president to be under the microscope at the outset of his term. She notes that aside from Lincoln and Roosevelt, presidents faced little urgency to make an impact. Formerly, the Inauguration of the President did not occur until March 4 and the United States Congress often did not convene until December. Roosevelt requested that Congress perform unprecedented service by being in session for most of his first hundred days in order to enact a set of 15 laws such as the New Deal's Emergency Banking Act, Amendment of the Volstead Act, Farm Credit Act, legislation for the Civilian Conservation Corps, legislation for the Tennessee Valley Authority, Truth In Securities Act, Glass–Steagall Act, and National Industrial Recovery Act. Obama assumed power with a national crisis of extreme proportions. His first 100 days were anticipated with high expectations as a result. Obama has made some early missteps in his handling of the press by locking most of the media out of the repeated Oath of Office and by not understanding the media's constant want for answers. Smith notes he should take a note from Roosevelt who mastered the press rather than the traditional Dwight D. Eisenhower/James Hagerty method of keeping the press at arm's length. Roosevelt's semi-weekly responses to impromptu questions charmed the press, especially in comparison to predecessors Calvin Coolidge and Herbert Hoover who required advance written questions. Roosevelt enabled the press to feel a part of the administration and made it an enjoyable experience. Roosevelt, a former Harvard Crimson editor-in-chief who felt comfortable around journalists, held 337 first term press conferences. Obama, a former Harvard Law Review editor-in-chief, could use a similar approach to press management.

Reeves described Kennedy's challenge as a combination of an economic issue with seven percent unemployment rate in a recession and global competition with the Soviet Union on several fronts, such as economic growth, armament, and astronautic progress. He had to deal with the appearance of military vulnerability international pursuit of independence. Unlike Obama, Kennedy's inauguration speech reflected a time when global issues overshadowed domestic concerns although the Civil Rights Movement was gaining momentum. During his inauguration, like Obama, Kennedy invoked Lincoln. Kennedy was similar to Obama in the speed with which the emphasis of his Presidency veered from the emphasis of his campaign according to Reeves.

Dallek notes that although Obama focused on comparison with Roosevelt and Kennedy, both he and Johnson entered office at a time of international crisis and diminished confidence in the nation's institutions. However, while Obama represents the fruits of non-violent political action, Johnson's rise was a test of the nation's faith in it. As Johnson assumed office his largest responsibility was to reassure the country that he could effectively lead both at home and abroad. Dallek notes the conspicuous absence of deference to Johnson who served as the country's chief executive while shepherding the enactment of the voting rights laws of 1964 and 1965. He notes the similar need for faith in the country's institutions and provide hope for peace and prosperity. In a sense, Dallek likened Obama to Johnson as President who realises his role a national therapist in addition to that as a leader and an executive.

Canon noted that although Obama has been urged to proactively legislate economic stimulus like Roosevelt and to provide transformational leadership like Kennedy, he should take some cues from Reagan who put personal projects on hold while gaining the country's confidence. Like Obama, Reagan's primary campaign issue had been the domestic economy, while he was influenced by Middle East strife. When he assumed office, he immediately realised that the domestic economy was the lynchpin to his success. Reagan faced high unemployment like Obama. Unlike Obama, Reagan had to make serious concessions with a Democratically controlled House. The Reagan administration cast aside social issues, such as abortion, for most of his first 100 days. This is similar to Obama's decision to remove the family-planning provisions from the stimulus package. The removal of the contraceptive funding for Medicaid was a Reaganesque bipartisan appeal by Obama. Obama has acknowledged Reagan in The Audacity of Hope and may follow more of his philosophies and leadership mantras as his term evolves.

Like Clinton, Obama has the support of Democratic control of both houses of the United States Congress. In his early days, the Republican leadership seemed fractured and ineffective as it operated in the minority.

In his first week, Obama established a policy of producing a weekly Saturday morning video address available on Whitehouse.gov and YouTube, much like those released during his transition period. The first address had been viewed by 600,000 YouTube viewers by the next afternoon. The policy is likened to Franklin Delano Roosevelt's fireside chats and other presidents' weekly radio addresses.

Although the first hundred days was not a concept relevant in the Lincoln Administration, Obama followed Lincoln by naming the former party front-running Senator from New York as his United States Secretary of State. Lincoln had chosen William H. Seward and Obama chose Hillary Clinton.

Obama has some similarities to Nixon who had a brief tenure in Congress (4 years in the House and 2 years in the Senate) before assuming a position in the Executive Branch. Nixon's 1968 campaign included a plank to "end the war with honor." Nixon employed rivals in key positions including Democrat Daniel Patrick Moynihan and Nelson Rockefeller supporter Henry Kissinger.