Counterintelligence, Counterterror and Government
There is much value in taking a broad look at CI. A few examples of national CI and CT structure are used here; see the separate article on Counterintelligence and Counterterror Organizations. Thoughtful analysts have pointed out that it may well be a source of positive intelligence on the opposition's priorities and thinking, not just a defensive measure. "Charles Burton Marshall wrote that his college studies failed to teach him about espionage, the role of intelligence services, or the role of propaganda. "States’ propensities for leading double lives—having at once forensic and efficient policies, one sort for display, the other to be pursued—were sloughed over." This window into the “double lives” of states of which Marshall wrote is a less familiar dimension of CI work, one that national security decision makers and scholars alike have largely neglected.
From Marshall's remark, Michelle Van Cleave inferred that "the positive intelligence that counterintelligence may supply—that is, how and to what ends governments use the precious resources that their intelligence services represent—can help inform the underlying foreign and defense policy debate, but only if our policy leadership is alert enough to appreciate the value of such insights." She emphasizes that CI is directed not at all hostile actions against one's own countries, but those originated by foreign intelligence services (FIS), a term of art that includes transnational and non-national adversaries.
After the Oklahoma City bombing of 19 April 1995, by Timothy McVeigh, an American, the CI definition reasonably extends to included domestically-originated terrorism. It is fair to say, however, that there are many definitions of terrorism, and, therefore, at least as many definitions of counterterrorism. Some countries assume terrorism is purely a method of non-state actors, where others do not restrict their definition, preferring to focus on the action rather than its sponsorship.
There is also the challenge of what organizations, laws, and doctrines are relevant to protection against all sorts of terrorism in one's own country. See Counterintelligence Force Protection Source Operations (CFSO) for a discussion of special considerations of protection of government personnel and facilities, including in foreign deployments.
In the United States, there is a very careful line drawn between intelligence and law enforcement. In the United Kingdom, there is a distinction between the Security Service (MI5) and the Special Branch of the Metropolitan police ("Scotland Yard"). Other countries also deal with the proper organization of defenses against FIS, often with separate services with no common authority below the head of government
France, for example, builds its domestic counterterror in a law enforcement framework. In France, a senior anti-terror magistrate is in charge of defense against terrorism. French magistrates have multiple functions that overlap US and UK functions of investigators, prosecutors, and judges. An anti-terror magistrate may call upon France's domestic intelligence service Direction de la surveillance du territoire (DST), which may work with the Direction générale de la sécurité extérieure (DGSE), foreign intelligence service.
Spain gives its Interior Ministry, with military support, the leadership in domestic counterterrorism. For international threats, the National Intelligence Center (CNI) has responsibility. CNI, which reports directly to the Prime Minister, is staffed principally by which is subordinated directly to the Prime Minister’s office. After the March 11, 2004 Madrid train bombings, the national investigation found problems between the Interior Ministry and CNI, and. as a result, the National Anti-Terrorism Coordination Center was created. Spain's 3/11 Commission called for this Center to do operational coordination as well as information collection and dissemination. The military has organic counterintelligence to meet specific military needs.
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